Throughout the past century, the relationship between sports and race has become a critical area of sociological study. When viewed from an outside perspective, it is hard to refute the existence of deep-seated issues that influence the ways in which athletes experience the larger institution of sports. This often takes place via the level of critical analysis or subsequent ridicule (or lack thereof) an athlete might receive based upon their race, as well as the opportunities that are presented to athletes.
The world of sports is often heralded as a unifying force that might transcend differences, but in many ways, it is just a reflection of the broader social inequalities found in our modern society. This structural racism to be found within the very foundations of the larger sporting institutions serves as integral towards the development of both the individual athletes and people involved, often in ways that are entirely too damaging and inherently negative.
Racial lines are integral to the perception of sports and individual athletes, and it is unfortunate that even this institution of union is susceptible to these external factors, to the extent that I would argue sports are a microcosm of the persistent inequality to be found in the modern United States. This paper explores the intersection of race and sports, specifically examining how racial biases might influence athlete recruitment, media portrayals, career opportunities, and the more specific differences between the experiences of athletes predicated upon the basis of race.
By way of the multitude of interconnected systemic issues, it is often difficult to properly recognize the larger racist structures at play. Through operationalizing the relationship of race and sports, this paper will examine how sociological theories on race and larger attitudes might apply to this institution through the lens of a historical perspective.
Much of the persistent racial stereotyping in modern sports is simultaneously subconscious action and active biases, with argument to be made as to which is more present. When looking for examples of active display of racist action, there are several stories to be found. Of key interest is where this stream or racism originates from, be it from outside professionals such as coaches and owners, or the individual players themselves. In women’s basketball, players such as Sarah Chan (an African American woman) have detailed incidents where she has been spat in the face of for the color of her skin (Huggins).
On a surface level this example might seem extreme, but it is only skimming the surface of how deep-seated racial prejudice influences the experiences of athletes. The overt forms of racism in sport are apparent at every level, shown by how in Professional Football/Soccer John Yems was recently banned from the sport after an investigation found 16 alleged racist comments he made to his players (Huggins). At the very least Yems committed 12 breaches of anti-discrimination rules, begging the questions of how many told and untold players this singular game manager impacted the lives of (Hunter).
This is but one example of how those with power over how individual players experience sports can spread racial tendencies. Tendencies toward racist action are not always as plain to see, as highlighted by associate professor Cynthia Frisby, who found through the analysis of decades of sports reporting that black athletes receive “significantly more negative coverage” than their white counterparts. From many articles from major sports outlets, it was found that an overwhelming percentage of stories of crime and violence dealt with black athletes, whereas stories on morally righteous action and success were overwhelmingly dominated by white players (Frisby).
This percentage is by no means indicative of accurate percentages of crime rate based upon race, and only serves to exacerbate preexisting racial stereotyping in the minds of a larger sports audience. The ripple effects of racism are profound, as there seems to be an echo chamber of negative racial sentiment at the heart of sports. The environmental and societal aspect of how racist sentiment spreads is shown through every aspect of the institution, with every action working together towards a domino effect of racial tension.
One cliché example often posited is how “central” quarterback positions were most often reserved for white players, whereas African American players assumed to be more naturally suited for the more “athletic” roles were assigned accordingly (Carrington 39). Throughout the 20th and 21st century, racial quotas be they formal or informal dominate the sports landscape, as minority players often have had to be substantially better than their white counterparts to maintain positions.
This was best demonstrated by how the white sports audience has often held beliefs that black athletes were “taking over” sports, a smaller representative example of the larger white backlash against desegregation (Staples 1976). Often, this led to fans of sports to latch onto “white savior” players that might mitigate the tide of change. This racialized social structure shaped the experiences of individuals both directly and tangentially involved in sports (Young 1963), with stereotypes being exemplified in phrases intended for comedic value such as “white men can’t jump.” In a divided NBA fan culture, enjoyers of the sport often flocked to Larry Bird to defend from the onslaught of racial equality and subsequent backlash, at no fault of his own.
Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital has been instrumental for scholars examining how resources—such as family support, community involvement, and high-quality training—affect athletes’ academic benefits from sports (Washington 190). White athletes, often from more privileged backgrounds, typically possess greater cultural capital, enabling easier access to both athletic and educational opportunities.
Conversely, Black and other minority athletes often lack comparable cultural capital, limiting their ability to derive academic and professional advantages from sports (Eitle). Structural inequalities, from disparities in school funding to inequities in coaching quality and social support, disadvantage minority athletes, reducing their potential for upward mobility through sports. Reforms that prioritize equitable investment in sports programs, culturally sensitive coaching, and academic support could help level the playing field and ensure sports benefits are accessible to all (Washington 192).
Racial stereotypes further shape educators’ and coaches’ perceptions of athletes of color. Black athletes, for instance, may be seen as “athletic” but not “academic,” resulting in less encouragement toward educational pursuits and heightened pressure to excel athletically (Hylton). Such racial biases have long-term effects on the educational and career paths of minority athletes.
Though sports offer a route for social mobility, unequal access to resources means that minority athletes often struggle to convert athletic achievements into educational success or career opportunities beyond their sports careers. Reforms that promote investment in under-resourced programs and culturally responsive coaching could work toward equalizing educational gains from sports participation (Washington 204).
Racist attacks on athletes of color are ongoing (Brooks), with some examples being: the women’s basketball coach at the University of Illinois stereotyped, isolated, and verbally abused Black players; Don Imus (and his co‐host) compared young women who played for Rutgers’ women’s basketball team to men’s players, rated their attractiveness, and called them “rough,” “nappy‐headed,”and “hardcore hoes”; journalists and fans responded to Linsanity with racial slurs (in the form of bad humor and puns); in the 1990s, Marge Schott (former owner of Cincinnati Reds) called some of her players $1MM N———s, Joel Ward, a Black NHL player who scored the decisive goal in a playoff game, was besieged with hate email by opposing fans on Twitter; and Floyd Mayweather posted a video that referred to Manny Pacquaio as a “little yellow chump” and sushi cook (Brooks 2017). There is seemingly an endless onslaught of racist action, with no clear answer on how to combat these ideological beliefs.
Athletes of color often experience marginalization and isolation through pay suppression, under-recognition of their achievements, tokenism, negative stereotypes, heightened scrutiny, and disproportionate expectations (Brooks 2017). Simplistic and one-dimensional views of oppression fail to capture the complexity of identity and the layered nature of racism they encounter (Brooks). Athletes of color often struggle to escape the shadow cast by their own skin color, and it is disheartening that in our modern society this still exists as a dominant aspect of the sporting world.
Black sport becomes an arena for testing the limits of physical endurance and forms of athletic excellence, while at the same time repudiating or symbolizing “the American ideals, often mythical, of justice, goodness, truth, and beauty.” (Hartmann 2022) It also became a way of ritualizing racial achievement against socially or economically imposed barriers to sporting performance.
Race and racism profoundly shape youth sports participation, resource quality, and support levels, yet many traditional sociological frameworks have overlooked these influences. This oversight reveals a system that may inadvertently uphold, rather than challenge, social inequalities. Through Critical Race Theory (CRT), we can probe not only individual prejudices but also the deeper institutional and structural racism that hinders youth athletes of color (Brooks).
CRT offers insight into the impacts of sports policies, coaching practices, and funding disparities on minority athletes’ journeys. Research centered on the experiences of young athletes of color could transcend token inclusion and shed light on the unique barriers they encounter, thereby fostering meaningful change (Brooks). Such research would underscore how intersectional dynamics, particularly race, affect sports engagement and outcomes among youth.
Some scholars draw from Erving Goffman’s dramaturgical theory to explore how athletes, particularly when engaging in activism, perform within a public sphere governed by complex social scripts, roles, and expectations (Hartmann 2022). This framework allows a layered interpretation of athletes’ symbolic actions—such as kneeling during anthems or donning protest slogans—as they navigate various “audiences” (fans, media, teams, and institutions) whose reactions are often molded by their biases and societal hierarchies. These audience responses, whether accepting or rejecting, highlight the racial and political divides that shape how activist performances are received, showing how racial narratives frame athletes as either “inspiring role models” or “troublemakers” based on their public stances (Hartmann).
Restrictions imposed by sports institutions often curtail athletes’ activist efforts, particularly for athletes of color who face additional scrutiny and risk penalties, career setbacks, or public backlash. A critical dramaturgical lens could reveal the structural forces that influence race-based activism in sports, portraying activism as a staged act influenced by racial identity and public perception. This approach underscores the need to address systemic biases in sports institutions to create a space where racial justice is a genuine possibility, and not just a theoretical mental construct (Hartmann).
American athletes might have all been equal on the starting line but the social, economic, political and emotional struggles that any given athlete had to overcome to reach the starting line were far from equal (Wulf 2019). Throughout numerous academic journals, it has often been shown that Critical Race Theory serves as a valuable mental framework by which to analyze race in sports. While no doubt only a smaller aspect of a larger truth, it can be argued that racial inequality is embedded in social institutions (such as sport) to this day (Hylton 2020).
These previously mentioned policies and practices are indicative of the ways in which this larger institution perpetuates advantages for dominant racial groups. Representative of this built in disparity is the underrepresentation of racial minorities in coaching and leadership roles. Often this imbalance of racial power only serves to create a racial tension of cyclical nature, with said people of power repeating the cycles of racial prejudice and stereotyping (Hylton).
This racial hierarchy is plain to be seen, but still worth highlighting due to its negative influence in the sports landscape. Its ideological roots are arguable in their origin, as in many ways even the modern sports world is symbolic of the hierarchies that have existed in the United States for untold centuries (Eitle 2002). It is easy to see social issues in the realm of sport as mere microcosms or reflections of broader societal phenomena or dismiss them as grandstanding or moral panics.
But for us, “sport provides a crucial point of engagement”, where large numbers of Americans, both in sport and outside of sport, learn about, experience, and process these issues (Hartmann). Highlighting the nature of sports is vital not only for an increased understanding of the broader social issues at play, but in how subsequent action for change might be brought about.
Disparity is found in virtually every component of the sports world, with an especially prominent finding being the career opportunities following athletic careers. It is often shown that white players in a multitude of sports are presented with far more opportunity to be involved in higher levels of institution following the end of their careers. Studies of current opportunities for participation in sports document persisting patterns of institutional racism in sports organizations.
For example, professional team contrasts between percentages of white owners and black players: (NFL 100% vs. 67%); (NBA 100% vs. 80%); (MLB 97% vs. 18%) (Washington 192). Similar predominance of whites can be seen among professional team head coaches/managers, directors of player personnel or general managers, and assistant coaches. While this study is undeniably dated in its findings, it is shown that the past two decades have done little to mark much change in this regard.
Just as many sports are dominated by African American players, there exists sports that are “predominately white.” Sport England has recognized that amongst other sports, swimming is severely divided along racial lines. Their explanation is considered, in terms of recognizing several factors in the ecosystem of sport which include geography and the physical environment, socioeconomics, gender, ethnicity, institutional/organizational cultures, yet racism and discrimination are recognized as wider more pervasive issue that continue to permeate sport (Sport England 2020).
There exist several individuals who have coined the terms “white sports and black sports,” a supremely racist oversimplification of a larger issue of racial disparity that fails to acknowledge the institutional basis by which these sports lean into certain racial tendencies (Martin 2024).
Race-focused sociology in sports emerged in the 1960s and 70s, with a great deal of researchers exploring how sports reflect broader racial dynamics (Carrington 2013). Early studies focused on racial discrimination and stereotypes impacting Black athletes, eventually evolving to consider the intersections of race, class, and gender. Critical frameworks have revealed structural racism within sports organizations, from biased hiring to salary gaps and leadership representation, showing how sports perpetuate social hierarchies that impede athletes of color (Carrington).
Athletic activism, from Jackie Robinson’s integration of Major League Baseball to recent protests tied to the Black Lives Matter movement, highlights the obstacles Black athletes face when addressing racial injustice within sports culture, which often pressures them to remain apolitical.
As the field has grown, it has incorporated intersectional perspectives, examining how race intersects with gender, class, and other identities to uniquely shape athletes’ experiences. For example, women of color in sports navigate both racial and gender biases that set them apart from male athletes (Sammons 1994). Future sociological research should prioritize actionable outcomes, focusing on policy changes that drive accountability within sports institutions. Sociology in sports must strive not only to understand but to actively confront and dismantle racial inequities, pushing for fair practices and equal opportunities at all levels.
The influence of race on sports participation, representation, and media portrayal spans from early 20th-century segregation in U.S. sports under Jim Crow laws to apartheid-era South Africa (Sammons). As these barriers were dismantled, new exclusionary tactics emerged, particularly through racial stereotyping in the media. Black athletes, for example, are often portrayed as “naturally talented” rather than strategic or hardworking, a stereotype that undermines their dedication. These portrayals shape public perceptions and reveal how media narratives continue to influence the way athletes of color are celebrated or critiqued.
Even as racial challenges persist, sports have served as a powerful stage for athletes of color to combat racial injustice. Historic acts of resistance, like Jackie Robinson’s integration of baseball and the Black Power salute by Tommie Smith and John Carlos, demonstrate how athletes have long confronted societal racism, demanding equity and respect (Sammons). Yet, racial inequities continue to be entrenched in sports organizations, where people of color remain underrepresented in decision-making roles. This underrepresentation perpetuates discriminatory hiring, promotion, and support practices, affecting athletes and employees of color across the sports world. These practices are near unavoidable in our modern society, just as they have been in other forms throughout the centuries.
Racism in sports has shifted from overt exclusion to subtler, institutionalized forms of bias. Racial inequalities remain deeply embedded, masked by “colorblind” or meritocratic rhetoric that obscures structural inequities (Jarvie). With globalization, athletes from diverse racial backgrounds now compete on international stages, further exposing racial tensions. Although globalization has increased visibility for athletes of color, it has also introduced new biases, as audiences from different cultures bring their own racial preconceptions. Media portrayals reinforce racial biases, often diminishing athletes’ achievements or reinforcing stereotypes.
Black athletes, for instance, are frequently viewed as “naturally athletic” rather than skilled through effort, downplaying their hard work and intelligence (Jarvie). The resurgence of athlete activism, galvanized by movements like Black Lives Matter, empowers athletes to challenge the “stick to sports” norm, using their platforms to address systemic racism and social justice. However, their activism is often met with polarized responses that reflect society’s racial divides, revealing the significant role sports play in the ongoing fight for racial equality.
In essence, race and sports are intertwined in ways that transcend the individual and broach the realm of societal. The takeaway from highlighting how sports is an institution that exists as a microcosm of the broader societal issues that exist is not its existence in of itself, but what society might glean from said information. How civilization responds to findings such as this is the point of social science, in the sense that action committed in response to learning epitomizes the pursuit of knowledge in sociology.
Learning from the mistakes of a racially divided past serve to create a better future for untold generations, in that we might one day tear down the morally reprehensible foundations upon which society has been built for the hope of something better. Examining the intersection of sports and race best serves as a tool for change, as by taking action that might positively influence the microcosm might in turn better the wider world it is representative of.
Even as sociological inquiry has unveiled insights into this relationship, it falters in its capability to better capture the nuanced, often subtle realities of systemic racism in this arena. The gaps in existing research are not merely academic shortcomings but reflective of a broader intellectual struggle to confront an evolving social fabric. The inherent limitations and weaknesses in the research thus far are increasingly apparent, be it with its focus or its approach.
Research on race and sports often orbits the blatant, overt acts of racism, be it the slurs, exclusionary policies, and flagrant inequities perpetuated by those in positions of power. These are the eruptions of a deeper malady, yet the scholarly lens often lingers on their surface. Such focus risks leaving the subtler manifestations, such as microaggressions, implicit bias, and unseen hierarchies, uncharted.
The silent specter of implicit bias is ever present in individual interactions in larger sporting institutions. It shapes expectations and evaluations in ways bordering on insidious, in ways in which their impact escapes quantification. The absence of this dimension in research leaves a lacuna, rendering our understanding of athletes lived realities incomplete. It is not the loud aggressions that profoundly fracture identities but the quiet assumptions and diminished recognitions. Just as notable regarding focus is the lack of it centered towards the world outside the United States.
Much of the literature centers on the American context, a space teeming with racial dynamics yet isolated in its cultural specificity. The global sporting landscape is heavily marked by the fervent racism in European football stadiums, the hierarchical structures of international competitions, and the intersection of race and nationality in events like the Olympics. Increased focus on these elements would better serve as a broader stage to explore these dynamics.
This arguably parochial focus constrains the universality of the discourse, in nonrecognition of how the racialization of athletes differs across societies with distinct histories of colonization, segregation, or multiculturalism. These comparative frameworks could better reveal elements of the broader human condition regarding the issue of race. These questions are of key interest to me, and yet I am left with limited literature and research outside my country of origin. The arena of youth sports, where identities and trajectories are forged, remains conspicuously underexplored.
I would argue that this is where disparities in resources, coaching quality, and institutional support begin to calcify into systemic barriers that follow athletes into adulthood. To neglect this foundational stage is to misunderstand the origins of inequity. Youth sports serve as a microcosm within the microcosm, where socioeconomic and racial divides intersect most vividly, shaping who advances and who is left behind. To highlight the result without sufficient recognition of the origin is to risk ruling the field obsolete by way of its being propped up by a faulty foundation.
The prevailing discourse often frames economic independence as the panacea for racial inequality in sports, while by my view it is reductive to equate success with professional attainment. Financial status is but one factor in the larger picture, and yet in many studies is the lens by which the larger research is framed. Not all athletes will ascend to the elite echelons of their disciplines, and for many, the end of their athletic careers marks the beginning of economic precarity.
In the end, overt focus on the economics often seems to lead to it serving as a myopic goal, important in of itself but risking pulling focus and hide the broader picture. The primary focus on economics overlooks the psychological toll of navigating racially charged environments in which athletes of color bear the weight of expectation. These athletes are often pressured to succeed athletically as a surrogate for societal validation, and it is worth highlighting the effects this might have.
The narratives of athlete activism often remain fixated on backlash, as though resistance is defined solely by the opposition it provokes. What is lost in this framing is an exploration of agency, whether it is the strategies, networks, and successes that emerge from activism. Figures like Colin Kaepernick are reduced to their controversies rather than celebrated or ridiculed as architects of change. Athletes, in these instances, are often viewed as individuals residing in larger systemic structures that influenced them to act, and in this way, both the casual audience and academics are blinded to what the change represents on a deeper level.
The scholarly neglect of this agency reflects a broader discomfort with examining the transformative potential of dissent. While I am but an amateur in my perspective by way of relative age and lack of personal research and work in this area, I believe it is inarguable that the field should be pushed towards more holistic inquiry. It is apparent that lack of resources and time are no doubt instrumental in just how much can be done in this academic pursuit, as with any field, and yet the narrow focus must be circumvented at all costs.
Taking effort to unearth the more subtle dimensions of racism entirely too present is an excellent start towards addressing the omissions in research, Longitudinal and ethnographic methods could trace the invisible threads of bias as they weave through athletes’ lives, and perhaps better illuminate the more minute details. By engaging directly with athletes through qualitative interviews, researchers can capture the nuances of their experiences, beyond what quantitative metrics reveal.
The universality of racial dynamics necessitates a comparative global perspective, as it is folly to try and learn about but on link in a larger chain. Collaborative efforts between researchers across continents could uncover shared patterns and culturally specific nuances in how race intersects with sports. Such work would not only expand the scope of the discourse but deepen its resonance. Cross-continental unity is often difficult by way of its scope and cultural differences, yet nonetheless, steps toward more cohesion are difficult to see as a negative.
The lens of inquiry must simultaneously turn towards youth sports more, examining the early formations of inequality. Community-based participatory research serves as a promising methodology, better allowing scholars to work alongside marginalized communities to identify barriers and co-create solutions. Too often research is done from only outside analysis, without increased involvement by those in said scenario. Subsequent emotional bias of those in the midst might be accounted for afterwards.
Research should better explore how sports can foster personal growth, academic success, and lifelong well-being for athletes of color. By pushing for research on every stage of athlete development and experience, change can perhaps be better implemented in various forms. Potential policy recommendations could include mandatory academic support programs and career preparation initiatives to ensure that sports serve as a pathway to broader opportunities. If even a few of these gaps are addressed, the sporting world may evolve into a space that more accurately reflects the ideals of equity and inclusion.
Such reform could ripple outward, challenging not only the individual lives it touches but the broader societal structures that perpetuate racial inequality. I am at heart optimistic of the human condition, and by way of that I often am entirely too hopeful when in consideration of potential scenarios in academia and the ways it interacts with the wider world. Yet despite self-awareness of this inherent facet, I am of genuine belief that the proposed steps might better the society and structures that all too often push down the individual.
Sports is both a reflection and a driver of cultural change, and the research on race and sports remains illuminating. Yet I am increasingly left with the feeling that the scope and ambition of the field remain incomplete, and by way of this risks being partially invalid. To truly capture the multifaceted nature of this intersection, scholars must engage with the subtleties of bias, the global dimensions of inequality, and the foundational role of youth sports.
Only by broadening the parameters of inquiry can we hope to transcend the limitations of the current discourse. Sports, as a microcosm of society, offers a unique lens through which to confront and dismantle systemic racism. To study it more deeply is to inch closer to understanding the enduring contradictions and inherently paradoxical nature of our shared human condition.
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